LINK: http://australiansforpalestine.com/49627#more-49627
ORIGINAL LINK: http://popular-resistance.blogspot.com/2011/08/september.html
4 August 2011

September
by Mazin Qumsiyeh

In  memorium: friend of Palestine, a great French activist, who founded  friends of Al-Rowwad Theater (Aida
Refugee Camp) in France,  Jean-Claude Ponsin passed away at 81.  We shall not forget such great human beings.

Some  of my friends in Fatah and others will not like some of what I have to  say here. Others will respect and
even appreciate it including some  members of Fatah central committee.  The situation  is becoming intolerable
and some of us feel we cannot remain silent. I  personally owe it to the 50,000 of you who occasionally read my
emails  and the many who specifically email to ask me about this issue of  September. The proverbial straw that
broke the camel’s back leading to  this essay was an email from Dr. Saeb Erekat today that included a  document
claiming to be strategies of the Palestinian leadership in  going to the UN in September for recognition.  The
same day, Israeli  authorities initiated laws in the Knesset to make Israel more Jewish  (see below) AND approved
930 new houses for a new Jewish only settlement  of Har Homa C.  This is an adjacent hill to Har  Homa A and B
and is on Jabal Al-Deek, land of my village of Beit Sahour.  Words from unelected representative can be lost in
the din of  jack-hammers and bulldozers tearing the ancient landscape. Declarations  to the media about 122
countries recognizing Palestine (about the same  as was the case in 1989) mean little to villagers and refugees
who are  losing daily in their struggle to get their concerns heard by those  driving SUVs and Mercedes cars in the
streets of Ramallah and who go  unhindered through checkpoints with VIP cards.

I talk and work with activists on the ground daily.  The message they all relay is that there is a widening rift
between all political parties and the people.  They know it and admit it (many leaders said they can no longer
mobilize people).  The answer is known: go back to the people and reignite the revolutionary spirit that exists
within each of us.  The  therapies for the metastatic growth of settlements on Palestinian land,  to the increase
in racist Israeli laws, to the plight of refugees all  do not involve documents by Erekat or a resort to biased
international  fora that issues resolutions they were never willing to implement.

Under the category of “What we have to do?” Erekat’s document starts with

1. Open a strategic dialogue with the U.S. administration on the question of membership. It is evident that the 
use of the United States’  ‘veto’ makes it impossible for Palestine to become a member state.
“After  37 years of
opening “strategic dialogue” with the US, 18 years of  direct negotiations under the auspices of the US, under
what logic can  such a dialogue lead to anything. Just think of the standing ovations  given to the war-criminal
Netanyahu in the US Congress to see that this  is an illusion. If the PA could not even get Obama to stick to his
own  words on simple matters (e.g. settlement activity must be stopped), what  makes Erekat and company think
that talking more will get Obama to help  establish a Palestinian state.  Our own  representatives refuse to even
boycott Israeli officials (our UN  representative attends a farewell party to the Israeli representative).  Of course
every one knows that we Palestinians are the ones being pressured and not the Israeli government.  The  trap of
Oslo that created a class of people dependent on their  livelihood on aid ensured that independent Palestinian
decision-making  is impossible.  Under these circumstances, what  makes anyone think that it is possible to
change the status quo without  removing the structures of dependency created by the Oslo trap?

In a second point of “What we have to do?” Erekat states that “Recognizing a Palestinian State on the 1967
borders and becoming a UN member will  make it easy for the Palestinian leadership to make a decision on the  
final status negotiations immediately, on all issues without exception  (Jerusalem, borders, settlements, refugee,
water, security, and the  release of prisoners and detainees)
.”  This is extremely dangerous  and misleading. 
Why is UN recognition linked to unconditional return to  fruitless negotiations? What makes anyone with any
logic believe that  the US would change without us first changing and applying some real  pressure? And since
when is the Palestinian struggle reduced to a  Palestinian “state” in Part of the West Bank (no Palestinian or
Israeli leader now believes even in getting the whole of the West Bank)? Many  Palestinians point out that
records of previous “negotiations” show that  Qurei, Erekat and Abu Mazen were willing to give up on refugee
and other rights in return for this emasculated state (see leaked Palestine  documents and Abu-Mazin – Beilin
agreement and Geneva accords).

In a third point, it states: “In light of President Obama’s speech on 5/19/2011 in which he talked about  our
choice to go to the UN saying: “for the Palestinians, their efforts  to delegitimize Israel will ultimately fail, the
symbolic actions to  isolate Israel from the UN in September will not create an independent  state. It is clear
that the Obama administration understands that we are  going to the UN for:

·       An attempt to isolate and delegitimize Israel.

·       That it is a symbolic act.

·       Such effort will not lead to the creation of an independent state.


This understanding is contrary to what we want to achieve from applying for a  membership for the State of
Palestine on the 1967 borders with East  Jerusalem as its capital. We do not seek to delegitimize Israel or  isolate
it nor is this a symbolic act.
” How  many liberation movements in the world do you know of that refuse to  even
try to isolate a repressive apartheid regime? Just like many other  situations before, this Palestinian authority
wants to get Israel off  the hook.  Just like when they shelved  consideration of the Goldstone report or when
they lobbied Israel  against release of Palestinian political prisoners (supposedly so that  Hamas would not gain
points).  Just like when many  of them said publicly that they do not boycott Israeli products but  only “settlement
products” (as if there is a difference in apartheid  products).  Just like when they issued  instructions to their security
services to stop popular resistance  activities (only allowing vigils in the middle of cities but no friction  with Israeli
occupation soldiers).  The list goes on and on.

As for the event at the UN being a symbolic act, indeed that is what is being contemplated.  The  PA should instead
get beyond symbolism and do serious actions like  demand the UN rescind Israel’s membership (since it failed to
respect  the UN charter and violated its own promises to comply with its  obligations). A real effort would entail
asking UN member state to deal  with Israel like they dealt with Apartheid South Arica since Israel  fulfills all the
requirements of an apartheid regime under the relevant  International convention.

A few years ago, Mr. Erekat came for a  tour in the US.  When  some leading Palestinian Americans started questioning
him on the  failure of Oslo, he just got angry and said to about 40 of us that he  has a PhD and that “who are you all
to question things”.   This  is simply unacceptable. The cause of 11 million Palestinians cannot be  left to a few individuals
(no matter how or if well-meaning).

The fear of aid cut

US  Aid to the Palestinian authority is done in a way to implement US  policy which in turn (due to AIPAC and
other lobbies) serves Israeli  occupation policies.  For example most USAID dollars go to  infrastructure (mostly roads)
that create temporary jobs and relieve the responsibility of the occupier.  Most roads are alternative roads that help
solidify the apartheid system (ie. roads around settlement blocks etc).  The bulk of the aid goes directly to support the
salaries of Palestinians employed by the Palestinian authority.  Most of that budget goes toward salaries for security
employees.  Per  Oslo II, that security is to ensure that there is no friction with  Israelis (ie. suppress any resistance
including nonviolent resistance).  Because  the salaries and political stability of the subservient Palestinian  authority
has come to depend on this aid, it is very easy to use it as  leverage to extort high level officials. We saw this for example
in the shelving of the report by the Goldstone commission.  We  saw it in 2006 and 2007 (when aid was cut following
the elections,  quickly the elites had to undermine the government and go back to  supporting the status quo). In short,
aid from the US harms Palestinian  national interest and serves to perpetuate the occupation because it  entrenches
the status quo, relieves Israel from the cost of being an  occupier, and restricts political freedom to liberate ourselves.

For more on this, please read http://www.ifamericansknew.org/stats/occ&aid.html

I  urge the central committee of Fatah which acted boldly to remove Dahlan  from his position as its media person to
act boldly to go down the path  of further and bolder changes.  Setting  term-limits on service would be an appropriate
first step for Fatah and  could set the stage also for setting term limits for PA positions.  My humble and open
recommendation is for the Palestinian leadership to come back to the people and get new blood periodically.  With  this
new blood, a mobilization of the Palestinians in exile can be done  to effect real change by building appropriate short,
medium, and long  term strategies for example by lobbying, media work, and BDS (Boycotts,  divestments, and sanctions). 
Internally, the  Palestinian house needs to be put in order by implementing existing  agreements to create a representative
Palestinian National Council (of  the PLO).  That would create an atmosphere of real  popular resistance that could indeed
quickly change the dynamics on the  ground.
[See my book on lessons from 130 years; http://www.qumsiyeh.org/popularresistanceinpalestine/ ]

There  are hundreds of Palestinian lawyers, political science professors, and  other experts who can be consulted to
build a real strategy and  direction towards liberation.  Engaging in open dialogue about these things is good for
everyone.  The status quo cannot be tolerated.  It  is better to do this now than wait till September when the people  
(having falsely raised their hopes of an end to the occupation) will see  the leaders who kept talking to them about
September flounder and fall.

It  really makes no difference whether one is apathetic or one is colluding  with the status quo of an occupation profitable
to the occupiers  (thanks to the Oslo accords). After all, silence is complicity.

Professor Mazin Qumsiyeh teaches and does research at Bethlehem and Birzeit   Universities in occupied Palestine.  
He previously served on the faculties of Tennessee, Duke and Yale universities He serves as chairman of the board  of the
Palestinian Center for Rapprochement Between People and   coordinator of the Popular Committee Against the Wall and
Settlements in Beit Sahour He is author of  “Sharing the Land of Canaan: Human rights   and the Israeli/Palestinian Struggle”
and the forthcoming book Popular Resistance in Palestine <http://www.qumsiyeh.org/popularresistanceinpalestine/> :
A History of Hope and Empowerment.